The article is devoted to identifying the features of the formation and promotion of the image of Russian regions in the context of their spatial development strategies. The sociological foundations of the implemented projects and related communication activities are considered. The theoretical and methodological basis of the article is a set of applied sociological studies conducted at the All-Russian and regional levels, including representative surveys in target audiences, expert interviews, focus groups; media sociological studies on electronic systems of automatic media analysis; experimental methods and included observation. The key communication events in the regions were analyzed from the point of view of their influence on public opinion through traditional and new media, as well as the problems of presenting visual components of territorial projects.

The most well-known image projects of the 3rd millennium in the subjects of the Russian Federation of different federal districts were selected for the study: Southern (Volgograd region), North Caucasus (Republic of North Ossetia - Alania), Volga (Perm Region), Ural (Chelyabinsk region), Siberian (Omsk region), Far Eastern (Republic of Sakha / Yakutia/): in these projects, the author acted as a leader, participant or expert. Based on the systematization of research, a classification of projects/campaigns for the formation of the reputation of regions within the framework of strategic development is proposed, recommendations for the creation of communication models for their promotion in the internal and external environment are developed. 

The article represents the author’s approach to the study of various forms of interactions manifested when using the «dramatic metaphor» by B.W. Pierce and V.E. Kronen in the conditions of social reality management. The sources of the appearance and specificity of the «dramatic metaphor» within the framework of the theory of coordinated management of meaning are shown; the possibilities of this metaphor in line with the management of the social reality of traditional and modern society on the basis of a communication approach are noted. The methodological basis of the research is the works of (a) A.A. Gritsanov, representing social reality in the context of intersubjectivity; (b) B.W. Pierce and V.E. Kronen, who developed a hierarchical model of the organization of the meanings of actors; (c) F.I. Sharkov, who highlighted the specifics of managing the social reality of mass society. Based on the conducted research, the author concludes that the forms of interaction developed under the conditions of using a «dramatic metaphor» can contribute to the formation of management as a tool for competent modeling of the social reality of modern society. 

The article is devoted to the scientific and theoretical understanding of the problem of social stability from the point of view of the communicative aspects of sociology, political science, and cultural studies. The aim of the study is to analyze theories of social stability. Within the framework of achieving this goal, the author defines the main approaches to the definition of the concept of social stability and substantiates the concepts that correspond to the modern period of development of the communication environment. The research methodology is complex and includes a descriptive method in the field of the theory of social stability, analysis, review and comparison of existing concepts of stability. The author examines the development of the concept of social stability, the processes of theoretical study of issues of socio-political stability, dwelling in detail on the current state of this problem, comparing the existing theories of domestic and foreign authors.

The purpose of the study is to monitor the digital sales promotion shares of S7 Airlines, information about which was published on social networks, and to analyze the collected data. In the article, the authors analyzed the digital tools and technologies that S7 Airlines used as part of the strategy of integrated marketing communications to build interaction with target groups on social networks and provide social impact during the period of restrictions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on information in the public domain – comments and actions (views, likes, reposts), the reaction of the audience to messages was investigated. As a result of the analysis, the authors determined with the help of which the airline implements a digital communications strategy, assessed the social impact on communication processes with passengers, which have changed in the pandemic. 

The article designates a new stage in the evolution of Facebook* as a global communication platform that aggregates data on its users for different purpose. Studying a real case, it shows that at present, social networks are a place for transforming everyday communication into strategic one while making this process not obvious to the social network users themselves. The research methodology consists of the Web 2.0 concept by T. O’Reilly, the theory of weak ties by M. Granovetter, and the concept of memes by R. Dawkins. Based on the analysis of media publications and preceding studies, as well as on the example of a recent case in Facebook* and VKontakte networks, the author actualizes the space of social networks as a space of strategic communication, and comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to educate users about the nature and true goals of such communication and wars carried out in the space of social networks in a permanent mode. 

The article is devoted to the problem of the reliability of the picture of Russian public opinion, which emerges from the polling data. A historical approach to this problem is proposed on the example of testing the generally accepted assumption about the initially high level of support for perestroika in Soviet society. The paper shows that the generally accepted assumption is based on three theses: (a) a particularly high level of support for perestroika at the initial stages; (b) the perception of the idea of perestroika by the population as meeting its needs; (c) the gradual decline in support for perestroika due to the difficulties encountered. The author dwells on each of them and demonstrates that they do not correspond to the available empirical data. The results of a comparative analysis show that (a) support for perestroika was not higher than the usual levels of approval of the Soviet leadership by the population; (b) the population did not associate their most actual expectations with perestroika; (c) the decline in support for perestroika did not occur in parallel with the fall in living standards, but simultaneously, after the weakening of Gorbachev’s power. By analogy with public support for Perestroika, we can conclude that the possible overestimation of the overall support for the political regime in modern Russia is a much less serious problem compared to the internal structure of this support, the distribution of the shares of those who express it declaratively and those who are ready to embody their political attitudes into real actions. 

The article reveals the problems of youth participation in political communications in the conditions of the information society and the new forms of political interaction (online / offline). The authors proceed from the premise that youth participation in political communication includes not only activities associated with traditional forms (voting, membership in political parties), but also with negative actions (extremism, xenophobia, terror, etc.) and hence political and civic education plays a significant role in the study of the political system and decision-making processes. The author’s approach is to consider social media as a modern tool for expanding civic participation in the modern political process, the use of which creates the possibility of creating and developing the image of a youth leader. New possibilities and forms of political communication have opened up prospects for research on the political participation of young people, and it seems to remain a trend for to researchers, politicians and youth workers in the near future. 

The article substantiates the importance of the media in the formation of patriotism and citizenship among Russian citizens. Attention is focused on the growing role of the mass media in propagation of themes of the public spirit. The media are presented by the authors as the core subject of influence on the consciousness of citizens and as a means of socialization individuals in modern society. Based on a retrospective analysis of the evolution of the topic of patriotism and citizenship in the Soviet and Russian media and various projects of a patriotic orientation in new media, the authors propose to update some forgotten forms of patriotic education, as well as to give this education a targeted and systematic approach. The role of the media in this context is seen in the priority coverage of the traditional values of Russian culture, the formation of a value attitude to the motherland, its history, respect for state symbols, native language, folk traditions, the nature of one’s country, respect for the laws, rights and duties of a citizen. 

The article raises the problem of transformation of the nature of the communicative in the context of virtualization and digitalization of all spheres of culture. The study is constructed in the form of a commented dialogue with the authors of “Violence and Social Orders. Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History” by D. North, D. Wallis, and B. Weingast1. The review represents the comparison of the types of communication in traditional society, open society and on-screen culture (in a situation of virtual expansion. Contradiction (speech against speech) is considered as a transitional stage from struggle and conflict to screen simulation of communication. The author considers virtualization of the communicative from a critical point of view and therefore draws conclusions regarding personal degradation of a modern communicant – an aborigine of the digital jungle. Such an experience excludes the possibility of a harmonizing dialogue as a process of reconciling contradictions for one simple reason. If speech property turns out to belong exclusively to the individual, then the total impersonality proclaimed by D. North, D. Wallis, and B. Weingast can only be supported by violence implemented through commands. Thus, communicative interaction inevitably degenerates into a communicative impact, which is initially built on the inequality of partners.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the latest trends in the development of media discourse in the Arab Republic of Egypt (ARE). The history of the formation of the Egyptian media is considered with an emphasis on changes in state media policy after the revolutionary events of 2011 and 2013. The main provisions of the legislation regulating the mass media and its impact on the press are analyzed. The author provides statistical data and expert judgments characterizing the effectiveness of Egyptian mass media, and leads the independent NGOs assessments of the observance of the principle of freedom of speech in this Middle Eastern country. The main reasons for the popularity of foreign alternative sources of information are listed. 

The article introduces results of the first Russian fundamental research of communication regimes, that, in particular, contains scientific understanding and analysis methods of manageability of country communication regimes. Based on systemic, institutional, structural methodological approaches and theories (theories of complex systems, structuration, communication and concepts of political regimes), the author examines communication regime as sociopolitical phenomenon, requiring polyparadigmatic and interdisciplinary research. The author considers communication regime as a socio-political phenomenon that requires a polyparadigm, interdisciplinary research, control over communication regime – as a process, and manageability – as an attributive qualitative characteristic of the communication regime, as the goal and result of control. The manageability is interpreted as a measure of control by the managing center over control objects, and implies a measure of voluntary consent of governed objects with the degree of its subordination and autonomy. Hence, the manageability is reached when society voluntarily interiorizes, negotiates and admits institutionalized practices, strictures, forms, instruments, the degree of communication control and sanctions for deviations from the established norms. Ensuring manageability requires effective implementation such functions of governance subjects as control and implementation, achieving solidarity and coherence of all communication participants. The criteria of manageability are as follows: (1) capability of non-conflict transferring the system from one state to another; (2) ability of governance subjects to reach controlled parameters of communication regime; (3) capability to use mechanisms of self-organization and self-reflection for adjustment of communication regimes. Besides, the author proposes the methods for analyzing the controllability of communication modes. Its application allows: (1) to identify the type of managing of communication regime (by the degree of conventionality and location of the communications managing center) and to determine its level of independence and legitimacy; (2) to determine features of manageability of communication regime in one or another governance type of communication regime. The author’s thoughts and conclusions are illustrated by examples of communication regimes in different countries.

The research is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of the technologies of authority bodies’ interaction with different target groups under the conditions of digitalization and mediatization of all life spheres of the society. In modern conditions the complex problem of optimizing authority’s interaction with the population is very acute. Scientists are laying emphasis on to the issues connected with the technologies of public opinion control as well as with the peculiarities of authority bodies’ communication with the population in the sphere of public services and providing feedback, and with anti-crisis communications in the sphere of authority bodies’ activities and others. Digitalization emphasizes the need for the transformation of communication technologies. In this situation the study of the principles of work with the latest channels of public authorities interaction (sites, internet media, online press centres, social network accounts) is becoming urgent. It arises the necessity of developing a conceptual model of modern communication of different level authorities with target groups.

The task of this research is (a) to determine the principles underlying the authority bodies’ interaction with the audience under the conditions of digitalizing and mediatizing of all life spheres of the society, and (b) to develop the conceptual model of effective communication of different level authorities with target groups. The solving of this task is supposed to enable, first, to work out the principles of public opinion control by means of effective communication practices, PR-technologies; second, to develop methodological principles of authority bodies’ interaction with target groups under the conditions of population free access to the information flows of different directivity as well as practical guidelines on implementing effective practices into the spheres of digital transformation of public administration. The authors provide the basis to model of authority bodies’ interaction with target groups; systematize effective communication practices of interaction between authority bodies and target groups; provide the reasoning for methodological approaches to the development of the principles of interaction between authority bodies and different target audiences by using the latest communication technologies.

The article presents the results of the current analysis of the phenomenon of the party of power based on trends in partogenesis and data from social monitoring in 2019–2021. The author shows that the problem of consolidating the main clusters of political power in modern Russia, considered through the prism of the phenomenon of the party of power, should be solved taking into account the results of the analysis of the institution of public opinion, since it is associated with the processes of legitimizing political power and achieving socio-political consensus. In the context of these opinion polls on key political issues, the phenomenon of the party of power is an integral phenomenon that accumulates social expectations of society, an urgent request for a value-oriented democratic power. At the same time, the modern political party of power does not quite correspond to the parameters of political subjectivity and social expectations. On the one hand, in public consciousness, it is a stronghold and guarantor of stability, a conductor of national interests, and the main factor in the processes of consolidating political power. On the other hand, there is a gap between power and society, between the social expectations of Russians and the modern sociopolitical reality, between the request for democratic participation of citizens in the political processes of the country and the real practice of rotating party elites, electoral behavior, the electoral preferences of Russians and the processes of political governance of the country. 

The article analyzes the concept of party-electoral aggregation based on the material of democratic processes in modern Russia. Currently, Russia’s electoral policy is largely focused on parliamentary parties, which also influence the structuring of politics in the State Duma. Parties have become an important element of the Russian political scene. Partyelectoral aggregation is represented today in three basic models: political-marketing, cluster, civil-identical. The study of the evolution of these models shows that as the “democratic transit” passes, the specific weight and leading role of these models in demand in political practice changes. At the initial stages of party building in post-Soviet Russia, the political and marketing model is more in demand as a basic one, in the future – a cluster model in combination with political and marketing model. Currently, party and electoral activities are being reformatted to a model focused on civic identity and political technologies of its formation and functioning. The subsequent in-depth analysis of the evolution and interrelation of these models will allow to form the possibilities of more in-depth party-political analytics and the basis for effective management of these processes